The Absence of Aliyev and Erdoğan from the Historic Funeral Ceremony of Iran’s Late Leader
WANA (Jul 14) – The official farewell ceremony for Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei was held on July 3, 2026, with unprecedented grandeur and delegations from nearly one hundred countries in attendance. The absence of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was particularly conspicuous. Leaders from neighboring countries—including Pakistan, Tajikistan, Georgia, Iraq, Turkmenistan, and Armenia—attended the ceremony, observing the diplomatic norms of good neighborly relations.
The absence of these two presidents from such a historic funeral can be assessed from several perspectives. Ilham Aliyev’s absence from official ceremonies in Iran is not unprecedented. In 2024, after then-Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi died in a helicopter crash shortly after meeting Aliyev at the Iran-Azerbaijan border—a crash that books and analyses published in Israel and several Western countries have alleged involved the Mossad and Baku—Aliyev declined to attend Raisi’s funeral. Critics viewed this decision as a disregard for established diplomatic etiquette and ethical norms, interpreting it as inconsistent with the values traditionally associated with Azerbaijani identity.
Even before that, both Ilham Aliyev and his father, Heydar Aliyev, had repeatedly refrained from visiting Iran. Between 2000 and 2002, Heydar Aliyev’s planned trip to Tehran was postponed several times. Despite extensive preparations involving more than thirty officials and experts, the visit was ultimately canceled again in September 2001, officially due to the September 11 attacks in New York. This occurred even though the then-President of the United States did not cancel all of his foreign engagements for the same reason. At the time, senior foreign policy advisers in Baku reportedly described the visit as “meaningless,” arguing that Azerbaijan’s national interests required consultation with its Western allies instead.
International Delegations Pay Tribute to Iran’s Late Supreme Leader. Social media / WANA News Agency
According to critics, this pattern continued under Ilham Aliyev, with policies focused on safeguarding what they describe as Zionist interests. In 2022, despite an official invitation from Iran, Aliyev declined to visit. He was also absent from President Raisi’s funeral in May 2024, despite the fact that he had been the last foreign leader to host the late Iranian president before the helicopter crash, during their meeting at the shared border.
This recurring pattern culminated in Aliyev’s decision not to attend the funeral of Iran’s late Supreme Leader, despite Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian making two visits to Baku and Khankendi/Stepanakert in May and July 2025. Those visits were intended to set aside longstanding disputes in Tehran-Baku relations and instead promote a policy centered on good neighborliness, shared ethnic and familial ties, and reducing bilateral tensions.
During these visits, President Pezeshkian emphasized the importance of the Aras Corridor and expanding economic cooperation. However, the visits did not even result in the reopening of the border between the two countries, which has remained closed for six years. Aliyev has continued to justify the closure by citing the COVID-19 pandemic. Furthermore, at the ECO summit held in Khankendi/Stepanakert, the summit’s final communiqué was reportedly revised in favor of positions aligned with Israel regarding Gaza.
Only days before the funeral ceremony, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Speaker of Iran’s Parliament, traveled to Baku to attend the Parliamentary Union of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation summit. During the visit, he praised Baku’s role despite criticism of Azerbaijan’s partnership with Israel during the so-called 12-day and 40-day wars. Supporters of the visit argued that such remarks were intended to encourage the Azerbaijani leadership to reconsider its policies and reduce tensions with Iran.
Ghalibaf Concludes Baku Visit Following Meetings with Azerbaijani President
WANA (Jun 24) – Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf has concluded his official visit to Azerbaijan and departed Baku for Tehran following his participation in the 20th session of the Parliamentary Union of the OIC Member States (PUIC). Ghalibaf arrived in the Azerbaijani capital early this morning for the high-profile summit. During […]
Beyond Aliyev’s repeated absence from the funerals of Iran’s late president and Supreme Leader, critics argue that his policies toward Iran have extended beyond diplomatic discourtesy into open hostility. In the days leading up to the so-called 40-day Ramadan war, Azerbaijani state-controlled media published material deemed insulting toward Iran’s late revolutionary leader, while the Azerbaijani government was accused of shaping and directing this media environment.
During that conflict, when Baku believed its allies were on the path to victory, Aliyev appeared on television and, referring to an alleged drone attack on Nakhchivan, adopted a sharply critical tone toward Iran. These remarks came amid growing criticism over Azerbaijan’s role in supplying oil to Israel and providing geographical and military facilities for U.S.-Israeli cooperation.
The reasons behind Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s absence from the funeral have likewise been viewed by some commentators as comparable to Aliyev’s behavior. In recent years, Erdoğan has sought to portray himself as a leading figure of the Muslim world through his public confrontation with Israel while marginalizing the so-called Axis of Resistance. However, his decision not to attend the funeral of a figure widely regarded by supporters as one of the region’s foremost opponents of Zionism has raised questions about the consistency of that approach.
The perceived contradiction became more striking given that Erdoğan had previously interrupted an official visit to Africa in order to attend the funeral of the King of Saudi Arabia.
Officials from 38 Countries Attended the Funeral of Iran’s Late Supreme Leader
WANA (Jul 11) – The head of Iran’s Civil Aviation Organization said that 123 foreign delegations from 38 countries traveled to Iran through Mehrabad and Imam Khomeini International airports to attend the funeral ceremony for the late Leader of the Revolution. Abuzar Shiroudi said the country’s aviation sector had focused on three main priorities […]
Similarly, U.S. President Donald Trump’s recent visit to Turkey for the NATO summit drew criticism of the Turkish government’s approach. During the visit, while Erdoğan welcomed Trump in Ankara, music with themes related to the bombing of Iran was reportedly played, prompting criticism from those who interpreted it as symbolic support for U.S. policy toward Iran.
The late Turkish Islamist leader Necmettin Erbakan was also invoked in this context. Critics argued that, had he witnessed such conduct by proponents of the so-called Neo-Ottoman movement, he would likely have reiterated his longstanding criticisms of that political orientation.
The absence of Aliyev and Erdoğan from the official farewell ceremony for Iran’s late leader—described by supporters as a leader of both Iran and the broader Muslim world—also reignited domestic debate in Iran over what has been referred to as the “disgrace of the Satqin.” In Azerbaijani, Satqin refers to individuals who, according to this characterization, abandon their country’s identity and national interests in favor of ethnic slogans or the interests of foreign powers.
According to critics, this movement seeks to deny the Iranian identity of Azerbaijanis in Iran while promoting a broader Turkic-Turanian identity and widening the distance between Iranian Azerbaijanis and Iran’s national framework. Opponents argue that this agenda ultimately serves the geopolitical interests of what they describe as the Anglo-Zionist bloc.
Decoding Quranic Messages to Foreign Delegations at Iran’s Farewell Ceremony
WANA (Jul 05) – For many audiences outside the Islamic world, reciting the Quran at an official ceremony might seem merely part of a religious ritual. However, in the Islamic tradition, particularly in the Islamic Republic of Iran, selecting a specific verse from the Quran can, beyond a worship ceremony, carry ideological, moral, and even […]
These individuals, who have been active in various institutions within Iran, have for years defended the policies of Aliyev and Erdoğan against domestic criticism. During the so-called 40-day war, they also promoted narratives and analyses that, according to critics, discouraged stronger responses toward Baku and Ankara over their alleged roles in facilitating U.S. and Israeli military operations against Iran.
Some members of this current claimed that it was not Iran’s military deterrence but rather Erdoğan’s intervention and his appeal to Trump that prevented further action against Iran—a claim that was met with widespread criticism. Opponents instead argued that Trump, fully aware of Erdoğan’s policies toward Iran, made statements in Ankara that included severe threats against Iran, just as he had previously expressed support for Turkey’s role during the 40-day conflict.
Nevertheless, proponents of this perspective argue that the conduct of certain regional leaders does not diminish Iran’s expanding regional influence, which they trace to the country’s long historical legacy from the era of Cyrus the Great to the present day. In their view, the post-war regional order will ultimately strengthen Iran’s position, while those opposing this trajectory will eventually face its consequences.
